Preliminary communicationDoes the installation of blue Lights on train platforms shift suicide to another station?: Evidence from Japan
Introduction
Restricting access to suicide hotspots is known as an effective strategy for suicide prevention (Florentine and Crane, 2010, Yip et al., 2012). This is typically implemented by creating physical barriers at high sites (e.g., bridges) from which people jump or at train platforms where people jump in front of trains. A recent article by Cox et al. (2013) reviewed 9 articles and found consistent evidence that the presence of barriers at these hotspots was associated with reduction in the number of suicides.
Nevertheless, the effectiveness of physical barriers at hotspots may be nullified by the substitution phenomenon, i.e., that restricting access to a particular place induces people at risk to look for a nearby place for suicide, resulting in no major reduction in the overall number of suicides after implementation. This possibility has been widely studied in the case of suicide by jumping from high sites (e.g., Law et al., 2014). After reviewing related studies, Pirkis et al. (2013) concluded that the physical barriers to prevent jumping from bridges or cliffs increased suicides at nearby sites by 44%, while the prevention effort generated an overall reduction in suicides by 28% at the study cites.
Less is known about the possibility of the substitution phenomenon in the case of railway and metro suicides. Despite increasing efforts to install physical barriers to prevent railway and metro suicides (Ladwig et al., 2009, Law and Yip, 2011, Mishara, 2007), only a single study has examined whether the installation of physical barriers generates the substitution phenomenon. Law et al. (2009) showed that the installation of platform screen doors prevented suicide with no substitution phenomenon in the subway system of Hong Kong.
This study offers another test for the possibility of the substitution phenomenon in the case of railway suicides. We focused on the prevention effort by a Japanese railway company that installed blue light-emitting-diode (LED) lamps on railway platforms to prevent people from diving in front of a running train. This company, whose service is provided in the metropolitan area in Japan, installed blue lamps on platforms at some, but not all, of its stations and railways crossings in the last several years with the expectation that they have a calming effect on people who are agitated and ultimately stop them from jumping in front of trains. Matsubayashi et al. (2013) evaluated the effect of these blue lights on the number of suicides by using panel data of 71 train stations between 2000 and 2010. It found that the introduction of blue lights resulted in a decrease in suicides by 83% (CI: 14–97%) at stations where blue lights were installed.
Using an updated data set from the period of 2000 to 2013, we examined the possibility that the installation of blue lights at a particular station shifted the incidents of suicide to its neighboring stations. We compared the number of suicides before and after the intervention with the blue light at 14 stations where the lights were installed and at the neighboring five stations on the same railway line, using the number of suicides at all other stations without the intervention as a control group.
Section snippets
Data
We obtained data on railway suicides and the installation of blue lights from the aforementioned railway company. Following the company׳s request, the name of the railway company remains anonymous in this study. The data include information on the location and timing of the installation of blue lamps as well as the number of suicides each year at 71 stations between 2000 and 2013. The year in this data set refers to the Japanese fiscal year, which runs from April to March. Thus, the data cover
Descriptive analysis
We first report the average number of suicides per year before and after the installation of blue lamps. The averages were calculated for six groups of stations. The first group contains stations that had blue lights installed during the study period. The second group contains stations that were located next to the station with blue lights installed. The third to sixth groups contain stations that were located two to five stations away from the station with blue lights. The last group contains
Regression analysis
To obtain a precise estimate on the substitution effect, we used a Poisson regression model based on a difference-in-differences (DID) approach as in Matsubayashi et al. (2013). We regressed the number of suicides per year at each station on the indicator variable, which equals 1 if the station had blue lights as well as on the five indicator variables, which equal 1 if the station was located one to five stations away from a station with blue lights.
In addition, our regression model included
Discussion
This study tested the possibility that efforts to prevent suicide at a railway station shift the location of suicide to a nearby station without such prevention efforts. It also reexamined the effectiveness of blue lights on suicide prevention with an update data set to verify the results in Matsubayashi et al. (2013) with more observations in the post-installation period. Our findings indicated that the installation of the blue lights triggered no systematic substitution at nearby stations,
Role of funding source
This research is funded by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Sciences. The funding was spent for statistical analysis and writing of the paper.
Conflict of interest
There is no conflict of interest.
Acknowlegements
Tetsuya Matsubayashi thanks the Japan Society for the Promotion of Sciences (Grant Number 26870326) for financial support.
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